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Prior to the Italian occupation in 1890 the present
Eritrean territories, as they stand today, never consisted of one entity.
The three regions that Italy moulded together as a colony had always been
part of other nations from the political, historical or cultural aspects.
They were different in their socio-economic and political structures; they
were never subdued under one political power and never shared one political
or social organisation or common markets. They in fact have had entirely
different and conflicting economic modes of productions and of course different
climates and topography.
These three regions were:
A) The Northern Sahel: (consists of provinces: Barka,
Gash-Settit, Sahel, Senhet and Semher). This territory had constituted
one inseparable geographical, climatic, political, cultural and economic
unit with what is today known as eastern Sudan. The dominant economic
mode of production has been pastoral and nomadic, where constant movement
of people within this region has resulted in cultural and ethnic intermarriages
and the emergence of common identity where different ethnic and religious
groups coexist and identify with each other. Islam has also became the
dominant faith. The Ottomans occupied the region from 1557 to 1865. The
Ottomans used to control the area from their stronghold posts of Massawa
and Sawakin both in the Red Sea, and Keren and Kassala in the interiors.
When the Ottoman Empire started to crumble the Egyptians emerged as the
dominant force and replaced the Ottomans. Egyptian rule of this region
continued from 1865 to 1890.
B) The Plateau (Most AkeleGuzai, Hamasien and Seraye
provinces). This region is different from the other two regions in many
aspects. From the geographical and climatic aspect, it is a natural extension
of the Abyssinian central plateau. From the ethnic, cultural, linguistic
and religious characteristics it constituted, together with Tigray in
northern Ethiopia the central core of historical Abyssinia. The inhabitants,
in their great majority, share Tigrinya language, Abyssinian culture and
Coptic Christian faith with the Abyssinians of Tigray. The economic mode
of production, like other parts of Abyssinia proper, is peasantry that
depends on rain-fed agricultural practices. Depending on the strength
or weakness of the centre, the Plateau had always been subjected to direct
or indirect rule by Abyssinia.
C) The Southern Sahel, Afar Coast (or Dankalia). This
region includes areas of eastern Akele Guzai province exclusively inhibited
by the Saho linguistic group. The Afar and Saho ethno-linguistic groups
inhabit this region. The region is endowed with ethnic, linguistic, cultural
and religious homogeneity. In natural geography and climate, the region
is a natural extension to the greater Afar land in the Sultanate of Awsa
and Djibouti. From the ethnic, linguistic, cultural and historical understanding
it was an integral part of the Afar nation or nationality. The Afar and
Saho as Moslems (there are few Saho Christians in Eritrea) were influenced
by the values of Islam, Arabic language and culture. They interacted,
intermarried and traded with their Arab neighbours across the sea for
hundreds of years.
Italian colonialism
The Italians in 1890, desperate for colonial territories
to elevate them to the level of other European colonial countries, occupied
and incorporated the above mentioned three fragments of three nations
in the making into their colony Eritrea. Northern Sahel was fragmented
from the Beja nation (Bagos, Bejaland), the Plateau from the Abyssinian
nation and Southern Sahel from the Afar nation. The fragments of three
different nations that were welded together by the Italians had no prior
common historical, cultural or any experience of integrated socio-economic
practices together.
Identity conflict
The Italians, irreversibly, brought together the above-mentioned
three regions in one territorial entity. Doing this, the Italians, consciously
or unconsciously, had built the first vital corner stone of Eritrea's
nation building process, territorial unity. They have also tried to incorporate
the different economies of their colony into the capitalist market. The
Italian rule was short but enough to create the sense of affiliation to
one nation, Eritrea. However, by now it is apparent that the time the
Italians had stayed in Eritrea and their application of the factors of
nation building processes were not enough to facilitate the ones Eritreans
wish to have had attained. No sooner had Italian rule, that had bounded
them together, ended than Eritreans had disagreed on the very same principles
of their existence and coexistence as a nation. They could not agree on
common national principles. Still the different three Eritrean segments
assign Eritrea their original identity and want to mould the whole nation
in that identity's shape and form. The persistent conflict between Eritreans
since the Italians left emanates from the inability to forge a system
of coexistence compromised and agreed upon by all the three pre-Italian
historical entities. In short, the persistent and complex identity conflict
in Eritrea emanates from the fact that the Italians left Eritrea before
the entire nation building factors and their effects were completed.
Why a federal system?
The Eritrean people have suffered considerably from
internal conflicts since the early 1940s. Federation with, or annexation
to, Ethiopia, plunging the nation and the people into thirty years of
war and agony, would have not been possible had it not been for the conflict
between Eritreans themselves. The war for independence wouldn't have had
dragged on for thirty years had it not been for the mutual mistrust between
the different political organisations and their different social bases.
Strong centralism advocated by the current ruling regime
in Eritrea and some of its sympathetic intellectuals would never lead
to solutions for Eritrea's internal conflicts. In young countries, such
as Eritrea, with highly diversified historical backgrounds, cultural orientations
and political aspirations, a highly centralised unitary state would lead
to one social segment's, one party's, and ultimately to one man's dictatorship,
as the case is in Eritrea.
There is a need for adopting modern conceptions of organising
political, economic and social activities that promote mutual understanding
and satisfaction. Identifying and diagnosing the problem is a pre-requisite
for finding functional and sustainable solutions. So far Eritreans have
failed to establish a contract of coexistence that satisfies all its component
regions and accommodate its diversities. A federal democratic system is
a system of conflict management which would enable us to live under stronger
national unity and territorial integrity while harmoniously maintaining
our diversity. The Eritrean Federal Democratic Movement, established in
December 2002, exists to promote this system of governance, which it believes
is most conducive to the State of Eritrea.
Abdul Sayed is a member of the Eritrean Federal Democratic
Movement, which can be contacted at arkokabay3@hotmail.com
or www.gabeel.com.
The views expressed in this article are those of the author and not necessarily
those of Federal Union. March 2004.
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